The most worrying corollary of the Great Depression of the
20th century with current events is the dramatic deterioration in global relations occasioned
by extreme nationalism. This chauvinism flowed directly from the parlous state
of the world economy in the 1930s and of course led to the outbreak of the
Second World War.
The ‘Great Depression
of the 21st century’ is only a couple of years old but already, the
warning signs are manifest. Here in the
UK, a weak Prime Minister, bowing to pressure from his own party’s right-wing
Eurosceptic rump, has set the country on a collision course with the EU.
To anyone with half an eye on domestic affairs in Britain,
the tortured antics of Westminster’s finest over Europe should come as no
surprise. The Conservative Party has in the past almost destroyed itself over
the European question and will doubtless do so again.
Britain in a Global
World: Options for a New Beginning discusses the relationship between the
UK and the EU; the authors Mark Baimbridge, Philip B Whyman and Brian Burkitt investigate how,
since 1961, when the UK first applied for membership, the issue of Europe has
been at the forefront of political and economic debate.
The
book aims to challenge that idea that full membership is presumed to be
“inevitable”. In place of this presumption the book proposes the argument that
it could be in Britain’s long-term interest to develop global policy options.
The book also highlights the perceived benefits of being able to move outside
of the constraints of EU membership policy.
Alternatives
to membership of the European Union are mooted, including the nuclear option of
UK withdrawal from the EU. This, the authors maintain, would allow the UK to
develop relationships on a global scale and distance itself from the EU.
A
less drastic option is also presented, in which the UK seeks to create an
‘Associated European Area’, this organisation would allow member states to make
distinctive choices about how much integration to a European supranational
collaboration they wish.
It is
argued that this would be advantageous for the UK as it could select the
membership and secure access to the internal EU market, in theory creating the
world’s largest and most comprehensive multinational trading area.
The
authors challenge the orthodoxy that calls for further EU integration arguing
that the differences between the EU and the UK have been underestimated and are
more pronounced than ever before.
Throughout
this work, UK Sovereignty is consistently highlighted and its maintenance is
seen as central to national participation in the European project. The limits of integration are studied particularly
in the context of the onus placed on UK taxpayers by the EU. One aspect of this
argument is that innovative tax returns that could potentially have broad
social and political benefits are unable to make headway due to the EU
constraints.
The
underlying message of the book seems to be that the UK would benefit from
taking a step away from the EU and seek to develop further relationships and
economic ties with Asia and South America.
So as
Britain continues to come to terms with its century-old economic and political
decline, another world power’s stock continues to rise almost inexorably. The
20th century may well have been dubbed ‘The American Century’ but
the 21st almost certainly belongs to the Chinese.
World
Bank Chief Economist Justin Yifu Lin's new book, Demystifying the Chinese Economy highlights his country's 30 years
of transition and tracks the economy's remarkable economic development. He shows
how the country declined from its zenith prior to the 18th century; how it begin its transformative economic
programs in late 1978, and “how the path from poverty and backwardness to
extraordinary growth was forged.”
The
headline figures certainly paint a picture of a burgeoning tiger economy. China's
average annual growth rate of GDP exceeded 9% over the 30-year period from
1979. At that early stage in the reform process, the People’s Republic was
inward-looking and its trade as a percentage GDP was only 9.5%. Now China is
the world’s largest exporter and the third largest importer, with trade
contributing around 70% of GDP. Over 30 years, more than 600 million people
were pulled out of poverty.
In a work that occasionally borders on the hagiographical, Lin asks the question ‘why
didn’t other transition economies perform equally well?’ “China distinguished
itself by adopting a pragmatic, gradual, dual-track approach,” according to
Lin. “On the one hand, the government continued to provide transitory
protection to the non-viable firms in the priority sectors, and on the other
hand, it liberalised private enterprises and allowed joint-ventures’ entry to
labour-intensive sectors -- areas in which China had comparative advantage, but
were repressed before. In this way, China achieved stability and dynamic growth
simultaneously.”
Lin also explores China's role in “stabilising and driving
the world economy, a dynamic of global importance given weakness in the Euro-Zone,
a slump in worldwide demand, and high joblessness in advanced countries”.
What both these publications (Baimbridge et al on Europe and Lin on China)
share is a sense of the subject country’s destiny being solely in the hands of
that country’s economic and political elite.
In either case, this is a fallacy of misplaced concreteness.
Britain outside the European context is not the great
trading nation of 18th and 19th century any more than China’s new role as the
workshop of the world is immune from a fall-off in demand for its produce
occasioned by the decline of the ‘Old World’.
So while the Eurosceptics of Westminster would have us
believe that the nation’s problems would be solved by our withdrawal from the
EU, the reality is rather more prosaic.
By the same token, Lin’s portrayal of China as a
‘stabilising influence on the world economy is rather at odds with the highly
destabilising effects of cheap money generated by China’s trade surplus on the
world money markets in the early 21st century.

Comments
Post a Comment